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• Армяно-Грузинская война 1918 г.-V

Эндрью Андерсен и Георг Эгге

Армяно-Грузинская война 1918 г.

и Армяно-Грузинский территориальный вопрос в ХХ в.

Armeno-Georgian War of 1918

and Armeno-Georgian Territorial Issue in the 20th Century

 

Приложение

 

Мнение компетентных ученых – историка и политолога – об аргументах сторон в армяно-грузинском территориальном конфликте:

 

Профессор Ричард Ованнисьян (Калифорнийский Университет)

Профессор Рональд Григор Суни (Мичиганский Университет)

 

A PROMINENT SCHOLAR ON ARMENO-GEORGIAN CONFLICT

 Richard Hovannisian

 (excerpt from the book” The Republic of Armenia, ), Vol. I (Los Angeles / 1982)

 

pp. 72-74

 

Thereafter, on behalf of the Armenian National Council, Khachatur Karjikian, Gevorg Khatisian, and General Gabriel Korganian met with a special Georgian committee charged with defining the exact boundaries of the Republic of Georgia. During that conference the international Menshevik leader, Iraklii Tsereteli, stunned the Armenians by outlining the Georgian case for sovereignty over every uezd of the Tiflis guberniia, together with the Pambak uchastok of the Erevan guberniia. The more Armenian-populated territory included within Georgia, he argued, the safer the inhabitants would be. The Armenians would at least be spared the viciousness of the Turk, and they would reinforce the Christian element in Georgia as a bulwark against the Muslims. Vehemently protesting the new Menshevik tactic the Arme­nian representatives persuaded the Georgian committee to reconsider the issue and to resume the discussions in a few days. But before the two sides met again, Georgian newspapers carried the official an­nouncement that the Tiflis guberniia was in its entirety an integral unit of the Republic of Georgia. (14)

The Menshevik reversal could logically be defended. Georgian acceptance of the ethnic principle in Lori and Akhalkalak had come at a time when all Transcaucasia had been combined into an extensive region (Arai) of the Russian Empire. With the establishment of inde­pendent republics, however, circumstances had changed radically. The Republic of Georgia deemed possession of Akhalkalak and Lori essen­tial. Historic, geographic, cultural, and economic considerations now overshadowed the ethnic principle. Georgian kingdoms had encom­passed both districts, which together constituted a natural defensive boundary. These highlands also provided lush summer pastures for herdsmen of the plains to the north and, combined with those plains, formed an economic unit bound to Tiflis, not to Erevan.(15) Further­more, the Mensheviks now flaunted a document long since uncovered by Georgian nationalists, the Russo-Georgian treaty of 1783. This compact not only had placed the realms of King Iraklii II under the protection of Empress Catherine II but also had provided that, should the remaining historic Georgian territories subsequently be liberated from Muslim overlords, they too would be added to the domains of Iraklii or his successors. The Republic of Georgia, as heir to the Geor­gian kingdoms, thus staked its claim to Akhalkalak and Lori. (16)

The pretensions of Armenia rested on equally logical foundations. Ethnically, Lori and Akhalkalak were indisputably Armenian. Geo­graphically, they formed an extension of the Erevan guberniia and contrasted with the Georgian lowlands to the north. Strategically, they afforded a natural, easily defended frontier that in the hands of any other power would thrust menacingly toward the heart of Armenia. Economically, these highlands were rich in pastures, forests, and mineral resources, which were vital to Armenia, a land otherwise ex­ceedingly limited in natural wealth. (17)

Throughout the summer and autumn of 1918, despite the serious­ness of the controversy, neither Armenia nor Georgia could enforce her claims. Southern Lori and all Akhalkalak remained under Turkish domination; the two republics did not even share a common frontier. Moreover, the Armenians of northern Lori enjoyed greater security under German protection than did their compatriots south of the Kamenka, where Turkish violence and pillage were rampant. The cardinal complaint of the Lori Armenians during this time arose from attempts to induct the village youth into the Georgian army. On three separate occasions Arshak Djamalian, the Armenian charge d’affaires in Tiflis, protested this infringement and reminded Georgian officials of their pledge that the occupation of Lori would not be permanent. He insisted that Georgia had no right to recruit men in “an integral part of the Republic of Armenia.” (18)

 

The Armenian Maneuver in Lori

 

In October, 1918, Turkish regiments withdrew from Pambak and southern Lori, thus eliminating the corridor between Georgia and Armenia. General Halil Pasha apparently kept Armenian military authorities better informed of the evacuation timetable than he did Georgian officials, and on October 18 Armenian companies attached to Dro’s headquarters at Dilijan rapidly occupied southern Lori from Shahali station, on the border of the Erevan guberniia to the Kamenka river. (19)

 

***

 

 

A PROMINENT SCHOLAR ON ARMENO-GEORGIAN CONFLICT

  Ronald Grigor Suny

  (excerpt from the book ”The Making of the Georgian Nation”/Indianopolis/1994)

 

Shortly after the republic (of Georgia – Ed.) was founded, conflict with the Armenia broke out over the border regions of Akhalkalaki, Borchalu, and Lori.

 The Armeno-Georgian marchlands had been held at various times by the Armenians, and Georgians, but in the nineteenth century (and even more during World War I), the Muslim population had been reduced and refugees from the Turkish massacres swelled the Armenian population. With withdrawal of Turkish armies from Transcaucasia, Georgian forces occupied parts of northern Lori and Akhalkalaki, and Armenians moved into southern Lori and Pambak. Efforts at a peaceful solution to the territorial dispute failed, and in December 1918 fighting commenced.

 

p. 202

***

 

ARMENIA: A HISTORICAL ATLAS

Robert H. Hewsen (Chicago / 2001)

 



Here are fragments form selected maps from the above book that you can see online

(click on each map, except the first and the last ones, for better resolution):





THE CAUCASUS IN THE PERIOD OF GEORGIAN DOMINATION, 1199-1236

  

THE CAUCASUS AFTER THE MONGOLS, 1378-1502

 

 THE CAUCASUS IN THE EARLY OTTOMAN-SAFAVID PERIOD, 1502-1590

 

 THE CAUCASUS IN THE MIDDLE OTTOMAN-SAFAVID PERIOD, 1590-1639

 

 

THE CAUCASUS IN THE LATE OTTOMAN-SAFAVID PERIOD, 1639 – 1722

 

 

 THE CAUCASUS IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

 

RUSSIAN CAMPAIGNS IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

 

ADYGHE-CIRCASSIAN TRIBES IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY BEFORE THE GENOCIDE

 

 

_____________________________________________________________________  

 

(14) Denikin, Ocherki smuty, III (1924), 51-52; Armiano-gruzinskii honflikt, p. 11; Iz arm-gruz otnoshenii, pp. 10-11; Rep. of Arm. Archives, File 16/16 and File 65/1; D. Enukidze, Krakh imperialisticheskoi interventsii v Zakavkaz’e (Tbilisi, 1954), pp. 119-120.                              
(15) Iz arm-gruz otnoshenii, p. 10; Britain, FO 371/4940, 5325/1/58; Djamalian, “Hai­vratsakan knjire” (April, 1928), pp, 92-93
 
(16) For the text of the treaty of 1783, see Traits conclu en 1783 entre Catherine II, imperatrice de Russie, et Irakly II, roi de Georgie (Geneva, 1919).
 
(17) Rep. of Arm. Archives, File 107/6, “La Republique armenienne et ses voisins”; Abeghian, “Mer harevannere” (Dec., 1928), pp. 120-122, and (Jan., 1929), pp. 129-131; Shakhatuni, op. cit., pp. 16-62, 175-180 passim.
 
(18)  Rep. of Arm. Archives, File 65/1, Communiques of July 27, Aug. 23, and Sept. 28, 1918, and File 74/1, Djamalian to Aharonian, Sept. 28, 1918.
 
(19) Vratzian, Hanrapetutiun, pp. 171-172. As early as September, 1918, Halil Pasha gave assurances that Armenia would receive Pambak and Lori. See Rep. of Arm. Archives, File 74/1, Report of Sept. 21, 1918; also Lepsius Deutschland und Armenien, p. 432.
 

 

 Назад  

 

 
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